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The U.S. Treasury just pulled the curtain back on something ugly: a network the agency says funnels cartel cash into everyday businesses — and one of those firms helped build parts of the Colombia international port of entry between Nuevo León and Texas. That’s not a small oversight. It’s a wake-up call about who gets hired to build our border infrastructure and how little scrutiny some contracts receive.
What the Treasury did and why it matters
The Office of Foreign Assets Control announced sanctions against four individuals and 11 companies tied to the Cartel del Noreste. The list includes Construcciones y Edificaciones Garza Elías S.A. (CEGESA), a construction firm named in state contracts. As Secretary of the Treasury Scott Bessent put it, “Today’s action exposes Cartel del Noreste’s exploitation of the horse racing sector to launder illicit proceeds and finance cartel operations,” said Secretary of the Treasury Scott Bessent. OFAC’s move blocks property and bars U.S. transactions with the named people and companies, a blunt tool that freezes assets and warns banks and firms to stay away.
The local tie: cartel-linked firm worked on the Colombia port
Investigative reporting by Mexicanos Contra la Corrupción y la Impunidad shows CODEFRONT awarded CEGESA multiple contracts for the Colombia port of entry. The contracts between 2022 and 2023 total roughly 100–110 million pesos for toll booths, access lanes and other works. Nuevo Laredo officials have acknowledged municipal-level contracts in their registries, while neighboring state officials in Tamaulipas claim they found no contracts under their watch. Translation: the paperwork exists, and the money was spent — now the question is who checked the background of the contractor before signing the check.
Why taxpayers and national security should care
This isn’t about construction firms doing shoddy work. It’s about criminal networks embedding themselves in the economy that funds violence and corruption. When cartel-linked firms land public contracts for border infrastructure, we face two risks: public money helps bankroll crime, and criminal influence can bend local politics and enforcement. The OFAC action shows the cartels use fuel, trucking, horse racing and construction to move and launder cash. If that money flows through projects that control cross-border movement, the problem becomes a matter of national security, not just local contracting error.
Time for accountability — and real oversight
Local denials and bureaucratic finger‑pointing won’t cut it. Federal authorities should follow up on the OFAC designations, and Mexican state and municipal officials must open their procurement files to independent audits. U.S. agencies that interact with border infrastructure need firmer vetting rules for contractors tied to international crossings. Voters and taxpayers should demand transparency now — because allowing cartel-linked firms near ports of entry is a policy failure with human consequences. No more excuses; if we’re building bridges, they should not be built with dirty money.
