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President Donald Trump quietly used a statutory escape hatch this week to suspend big swaths of a new bipartisan sanctions law aimed at punishing Russia — and then cleared the way for Russian diesel to flow into world markets. It’s the kind of move that looks practical on a White House talking point sheet and reckless to anyone who watched what Moscow did to its neighbors.
How the waiver worked — and what it paused
Congress passed the Lindsey O. Graham Sanctioning Russia and Iran Act of 2026 with teeth: extreme tariffs and tough new penalties designed to make it painful for buyers and facilitators of Russian energy. The law also, like many modern sanctions bills, included a presidential waiver if the White House certified a national‑interest justification. The president used that authority to put the new tariffs and restrictions on hold and signed an executive order saying the move serves U.S. interests.
The diesel deal and OFAC’s license
At the same time, the Treasury’s sanctions shop issued General License No. 135, authorizing transactions tied to Russian‑origin diesel through a Treasury‑specified cutoff next spring. The administration framed the license as emergency relief for tight diesel markets and said initial cargoes would amount to millions of barrels — enough to tamp down short‑term price spikes, not to solve global supply problems. But those shipments also mean cash heading to Moscow at a moment when congressional leaders had voted to squeeze Russia harder.
Too clever by half — political backlash
Lawmakers from both parties erupted. Senators who voted for the Graham bill see the waiver as undercutting the point of the law — and foreign allies fear it signals cracks in the coalition pressuring President Vladimir Putin. Even some Republicans who talk about “practicality” worry the decision hands Putin leverage back, just as Western unity was gaining real bite.
What ordinary Americans will feel
This isn’t abstract. Diesel prices matter to farmers, truckers, and anyone who pays to move goods across this country. A few million barrels might lower a price index for a week or two, but Washington’s credibility in holding Moscow to account matters longer-term — and that credibility affects markets, NATO cohesion, and whether future sanctions bite. If allies think the U.S. will flip its stance whenever energy prices twitch, they’ll be less willing to accept hard measures that also carry short‑term economic pain.
Senator Dave McCormick (R‑Pa.) has a record of supporting tougher Russia measures; the debate over this waiver will test whether that posture holds when the White House and national‑security arguments collide. Congress can try to claw back the license or shrink the waiver power, but that will be a fight over who gets to run foreign policy: the people’s representatives or the president’s pen. Which would you rather have deciding when national security gives way to convenience — and how long will Americans accept one without the other?
